Showing posts with label Indians. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indians. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 29, 2014

REMINISCENCES OF THIRTY-SEVEN by Leigh Cliffe. 1838 [poetry]


The North-Carolina Standard. May 2, 1838
FROM THE NEW YORK NEW ERA. REMINISCENCES OF THIRTY-SEVEN. BY LEIGH CLIFFE, ESQ. And so the poor old year is gone Where its numerous ancestors slumber, And Time's writing an epitaph on The defunct for his annual number! Oh! it really and truly is dead Of an illness years never surmounted;— I knew 't had a cold in its head, And some thousand pulsations I counted. 'Twas attack'd with dyspepsia last spring, When the chimney-pots tumbled about Like urchins, just breech'd, in a ring They have form'd to fight ill-humor out. Then symptoms appeared to decline Just when the last summer was over, And gossips hint at the last Wine —Season 'twas not very sober. After that the poor sufferer knew Low spirits, which set e'en clouds weeping; And this I can vouch to be true, For I once was their kerchief while sleeping At ease on a hillock of hay, Till they soused me all o'er with their fears; And a rheumatic twinge this fine day Brings to mind this departed of years! It had a sad chill last November, And got rather wet in the feet; And a warm-vapor had in December, Instead of a shower-bath of sleet. And it died! 'Twas a sad blow indeed To me:—it kept turkeys from riding From Norfolk to tempt me to feed, And silence my wife's tongue from chiding. I had “half an idea” of a ham, As we now call a very thin slice; A whole one of jellies and jam, All under the cost-selling price; And two or three Tiddington chicks— And four or five hares from the hills; Larks, neatly arranged on white sticks— But instead came some long Christmas bills. Small accounts, just for bread and for wine, With other odd items between, Which will never be paid by the Nine Old maids of Parnassus, I ween. One long bill of pleasure and pain, Sent in by a will-proving proctor, Which should have been brought up last reign— But the devil a line from the doctor! From Urlings, and Brussels, and Point; Flowers, feathers, and satins, and gloves, A foolscap, whose huge double-joint Might frighten the marrying loves. A list from the tailor, so long That it looks the whole length of the piece; Some hints from the warblers of song That a concert brings forward a niece. A benefit started for Miss, And her family—(tickets enclosed,) A subscription for that and for this, Ask'd by one who must not be opposed. And then there's a host of invites To soirees, and balls:—but what's worse, This dressing and dancing o' nights Makes a terrible hole in the purse! There's a knock! Oh! I'm sure 'tis a dun— I could swear to the horrid rat-tat:— Is't the tailor?—No, no, 'tis the son Of the man who tick'd me my new hat. Shut the door—say I'm out—any thing— So it leaves me in comfort and peace; If not I shall mourn till the spring, Poor old 'Thirty-Seven's decease!

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...

THE CHEROKEES.—The Colonel of this Regiment of North Carolina has had a requisition made upon him by the Governor for one company of Volunteers to be in readiness to repair to the Cherokee country, if necessary, to enforce the removal of those Indians, which is to take place on the 30th ultimo. We understand a similar requisition has been made upon the Regiments west of us. We hope our citizens will prove their readiness to obey the call of their country.—Western Carolinian.

———————————
...

HEAVY TALK.—'Look here Sam Jonsing, is you gwoin to tha theatre to night?'

'No—is you?'

'Dat I is. Don't you see de great 'traction dere on de bill?'

'Yes, I does. Say, nig, what's de name ob dat big piece down dere at de bottom?'

'Well, I can't zackly specemfy de name ob dat piece, but dey say it's one dat possesses de biggest kind of interestariety.'

'Dat's enuff—dat last 'spression of yours conwinces me—I'm gwoin.'

———————————
...

ADVICE FROM A WHIG.—The following is from the New York Herald, a Whig paper:—

Change your name, Whigs. It now means blood, blood, nothing but blood. Must re-organize, and take a new name—a new departure. Separate yourselves from the men of blood—from the wretches who gave you the name you bear. Change your name—change your name.

THE CHEROKEE'S FAREWELL by E. C. S. 1838 [poetry]


The Caledonian., May 8, 1838
FOR THE CALEDONIAN. THE CHEROKEE'S FAREWELL. Farewell, farewell to the place of our birth, The pale face commands us and we must obey, No rest to the red man while ling'ring on earth; Our lands, they are wanted, and we must away. Farewell, farewell to the home of our youth, To the woods and the vales, where in childhood we rov'd; Did the white man regard either justice, or truth, We should not from hence, far away be removed. Farewell, farewell to the graves of our sires, To the green turfs, long hallow'd, in seasons gone-by; We had hop'd to have liv'd by our own council fires; We had hop'd in the graves of our fathers to lie. Farewell to our hopes—they forever have flown, For the haughty pale faces now covet our lands; Faith kept with the Indian, to them is unknown, And oppression is all we receive from their hands. Ye who call yourselves Christians, come now and possess What of right should belong to the robb'd Cherokee; The poor weary red man will soon be at rest, And your hearts will rejoice when his downfall you see. Beyond Mississippi's dark waters we go, But the arm of your power, still our steps will pursue, No rest will the son of the forest e'er know, Till like night's dizzy visions, he passes from view. Regrets are now useless—complaint is in vain, Our remonstrance despis'd, on the table is laid; We must yield, to the white man, our much lov'd domain, For, by baseness unequall'd our rights are betray'd. But, though ye despise us, ye foes to our race, Think not to escape the just vengeance of Heaven; In the book of remembrance, our wrongs have a place, And full retribution to you will be given. Heard you that sad lament, Ye rulers of our land? Then, let your hearts relent, For judgment is at hand. The injured red man's cry Will not in vain ascend; The God who rules on high, A ready ear will lend. Repent ye of your wrong, Before it be too late; Repent, or you, ere long, Will share the Indian's fate. E. C. S. Waterford, April 1838.

Monday, September 15, 2014

In the Name of Our Society! T. Jefferson. 1793, 1841


New-York Tribune. August 17, 1841

THE INDIANS.—We are often disgusted by articles in our journals moralizing over the stern necessity which is driving the Indians westward and sweeping them from the face of the Earth! 'Necessity—the tyrant's plea'—or say rather, the villain's. There is no such necessity, any more than there is necessity for Piracy, Murder or the Slave-Trade. We have wronged and robbed them because they were weak and we strong—because they had lands and we coveted them; nothing more. The history of the last ten years has been especially black with outrage and crime; and the cruel, perfidious exile of the Cherokees stands prominent among the National crimes which arrayed the moral sense of the country against the last Administration and ultimately ensured its downfall. Can the pretended admirers of THOMAS JEFFERSON read the following extract from his writings without shame and remorse:

I considered our right of preemption of the Indian lands not as amounting to any dominion, or jurisdiction, or paramountship whatever, but merely in the nature of a remainder, after the extinguishment of a present right, which gave us no present right whatever, but of preventing other nations from taking possession, and so defeating our expectancy; that the Indians had the full, undivided, and independent sovereignty, as long as they chose to keep it, and that this might be forever; that as fast as we extend our rights by purchase from them, so fast we extend the limits of our society, and as soon as a new portion became encircled within our line, it became a fixed limit of our society.”

Sunday, August 17, 2014

THE INDIAN GIRL'S FUNERAL by Lydia H. Sigourney. 1838, January [poetry]


The Lady's Book. January, 1838

Written for the Lady's Book.
THE INDIAN GIRL'S FUNERAL.
BY MRS. SIGOURNEY.

“Died, in the vicinity of Monroe, Wisconsin Territory, the only daughter of Meko, an Indian woman of the Sac tribe, at the age of 18, of a lingering consumption. A few of the tribe, and a few of the pale faces were in attendance—yet no one wept over the maiden's grave, but the poor mother.”—Herald of the Upper Mississippi.

A WAIL upon the prairies, A cry of woman's woe, That mingleth with the autumn blast All fitfully and low. It is a mother's wailing; Hath Earth another tone Like that with which a mother mourns Her last, her only one? Pale faces gather round her, They mark the storm swell high Which rends and reeks the tossing soul, Yet their cold blue eyes are dry. Pale faces gaze upon her, As the wild winds waft her moan, But she was an Indian mother— So she wept those tears alone. Long, o'er that wasting idol, She watch'd and toil'd and pray'd, Though every dreary dawn reveal'd Some ravage Death had made; Till the fleshless sinews started, And Hope no opiate gave, And hoarse and hollow grew her voice— An echo from the grave. She was a gentle creature, Of raven eye and tress, And dove-like were the tones that breath'd Her bosom's tenderness, Save when some quick emotion The warm blood strongly sent, To revel in her olive cheek, So richly eloquent. I said consumption smote her, And the healer's art was vain, But she was an Indian maiden, So none deplored her pain— None, save that widow'd mother, Who now, by her open tomb, Is writhing like the smitten wretch Whom judgment marks for doom. Alas! that lonely cabin, That couch beside the wall, That seat beneath the mantling vine, They're lone and empty all! What hand shall pluck the tall, green corn, That ripeneth on the plain, Since she, for whom the board was spread, Must ne'er return again? Rest, rest thee, Indian maiden! Nor let thy murmuring shade Grieve that those pale-brow'd ones, with scorn, Thy burial-rite survey'd. There's many a king, whose funeral A black-rob'd realm shall see, For whom no tear of grief is shed, Like that which falls for thee. Rest, rest thee, forest maiden! Beneath thy native free, The proud may boast their little day, Then sink to dust, like thee; But there's many a one whose funeral With nodding plumes may be, Whom Nature nor affection mourn, As now they mourn for thee. September 22, 1837.

Tuesday, July 29, 2014

Indians killed Purifoy's children. 1838, April 1, Sunday


The North-Carolina Standard. April 18, 1838

From the Savannah Georgian of April 11.

We yesterday received by the steamer J. Stone, Capt. Mendal, the Darien Telegraph of yesterday, in advance of the mail. From it we extract the following:

“MORE INDIAN MURDERS NEAR TALLAHASSEE.—A gentleman just arrived from Tallahassee, informs us that on the night of the 1st inst., a family of the name of Purify were murdered within 20 miles of Tallahassee. The Indians burned the dwelling and two white children in it; two negro women were also killed; and Mrs. Purify received two shots through her body and was stabbed by the Indians. She crawled, however, into a thicket where she concealed herself. Dr. Taylor, of Monticello, stated to our informant, that she could not possibly survive.”



Edgefield Advertiser. April 19, 1838 | The Florida Watchman. April 21, 1838

From the Charleston Mercury.
MORE INDIAN MURDERS.

A gentleman, just arrived from Tallahassee, says the Darien Telegraph, of the 6th inst. informs us that on the night of the 1st inst. a family of the name of Purifoy, were murdered within 20 miles of Tallahassee. The Indians burned the dwelling and two white children in it; two negro women were also killed; and Mrs. Purifoy received two shots through her body and was stabbed by the Indians. She crawled, however, into a thicket, where she concealed herself. Dr. Taylor, of Monticello, stated to our informant, that she could not possibly survive.

The Jacksonville Courier of the 5th inst. says:—By a letter to our excellent Mayor, Col. Dell, from his brother in Alachua county, dated April 1, [and] from the bearer of the letter, Mr. Brooks, our worst apprehensions of farther—indeed of continued Indian murders, are confirmed. “They killed two Irishmen, on the place that Brush cleared on the Micanopy pond.” Signs near Camp Fanning are spoken of. “God only knows what we are to do; but still hope Jesup will be able to relieve us.” Hope deferred; and still farther to be deferred as may be seen by the General's own showing.

Mr. Brooks gives the further information that two volunteers were fired upon at Suwannee, Old Town—and severely wounded; that Indians have been seen at the Echetokamy[/Echetokany] Springs, and signs about Fort White, and near Newnansville.

——

FURTHER PARTICULARS.—On Saturday evening last, about dark, a party of Indians, supposed to number 30 or 40, residing in the vicinity of the previous depredations, murdered two children and three negroes, plundered and set fire to the buildings, and made their escape—the children were burned in the dwelling. Mrs. Purifoy, although severely wounded, miraculously made her escape from the savages. When the attack was made there were none but females about the premises, a fact supposed to have been known to the Indians. Mrs. P. was lying in bed with her two children, heard a noise in her room and on looking up found it filled with Indians, who commenced discharging their rifles, several of them aimed at herself and children. The children it is supposed were killed at once. Mrs. P. received a ball in her shoulder, which passed out at her breast. The savages next commenced hacking and stabbing her with their knives, and inflicted a number of severe wounds on her head and several parts of her body. Their attention was a moment directed from her to a noise made by the servants in an adjoining room, when Mrs. P. taking advantage of this circumstance escaped to the yard, where she was again shot down, but succeeded in gaining the woods, intending to reach her father's residence, Capt. Daniel Bird, about two miles distant. Faint from the loss of blood and the severity of her wounds, she was unable to proceed more than half a mile, where she was found next morning. Mrs. P. received, we understand, ten distinct wounds, several very severe, but her physician entertains strong hopes of her recovery. To heighten the catastrophe, Mr. Purifoy, whose children and slaves were slain, was absent from home, fulfilling his ministerial duties.

As soon as the attack was discovered, the troops at Camp Carter, under Capt. Shehee, were sent for, but the Indians has dispersed in three parties and fled. Maj. Taylor with Capt. Newsam's company joined Capt. S. on Monday morning, and have followed the several trails, but with what success we have not understood.

The house attacked is several miles within the frontier settlements—the houses of most of which are picketed in. We trust the occurrence will awaken the United States authorities to do something more for the protection of our frontier.—Tallahassee Floridian.


Edgefield Advertiser. April 19, 1838

The news which we give this week from Florida is of the most painful interest. The murder which we have recorded, is associated in our minds with all that is dark, and cruel and terrible in savage warfare. Mrs. Purifoy was born in this District, and removed but a few years ago, from this Village, with her highly esteemed father, to Florida. We knew her well; and we speak but the language of her numerous acquaintance when we say, that she displayed in her life a lamb-like meekness, a purity and excellence of character, which are seldom seen. Who would have thought, said a respected Lady to us on hearing the melancholy occurrence, that the mild and innocent, the amiable and youthful Louisa was doomed to fall beneath the deadly rifle and butcher-knife of the savage!

The people of this section have not been indifferent to suffering Florida, but this fresh instance of Indian barbarity has awakened anew their warmest sympathies. How long are these scenes to continue! When will cease to flow the blood of innocent women and children?

When we penned the above, we had heard from another source than the newspaper account, that Mrs. Purifoy was dead. By later intelligence we learn now that strong hopes are entertained of her recovery.



A Guide to the Correspondence of the Breckinridge, Gamble and Watts Families

Other topics in the letters from Mary Watts Gamble include ...

... an attack by the Seminoles upon the home, family, and slaves of Mrs. Purifoy, wife of a Methodist minister and daughter of Captain Byrd, and her severe wounds and loss of her children just four miles away from Welaunee (April 13, 1838); ...



Vermont Telegraph. April 4, 1838

THE FLORIDA WAR.—There are now ten thousand troops employed in the relentless crusade against a remnant band of miserable Seminole Indians! So far, disaster and dishonor are the only fruits of this most iniquitous war. It has cost millions of dollars and thousands of lives. It has, also, fixed a stain upon our national character which nothing can efface. And what has been accomplished? A few Indians have voluntarily surrendered. Others, who came in under the protection of a white flag, were treacherously captured! But the great object for which the war was waged is as far from being accomplished as it was when it commenced. The Indians have retreated into their swamps and everglades, pursued by General Jesup with an army ten thousand strong!

It is, we believe, more than a year since the Indians have committed any act of aggression or hostility. Though hunted like wild beasts, they abstain from acts of violence. The white men encroach & plunder—the Indians retire and submit. The Indians are, and have been, ready to lay down their arms. Their voices are uniformly for peace. They ask for nothing but to live and die upon their own soil. This is denied. The government will not allow them to enjoy their own! They are required to leave their native fields and their broad hunting grounds; to abandon their homes and emigrate to lands unknown. These are the hard conditions upon which CHRISTIANS will make peace with SAVAGES!

Saturday, July 26, 2014

MEMORIAL OF THE CHEROKEE NATION. 1838


The New-Yorker. March 31, 1838

From the National Gazette.

THE INDIANS.

We have received, from a private source, a manuscript copy of a memorial which has already been or will be presented to Congress in the course of the week, from the Cherokee Nation of Indians. It is so powerful a paper, and so finely[/feelingly] depicts the crying injustice and flagrant hardship of the case in question, that we hasten to publish it for the information of our readers. The memorial is signed by fifteen thousand six hundred and sixty-five persons, comprising the entire population of the Cherokee Nation. If better evidence can be required of the perfidy of the government agents, in calling the instrument of New Echota a treaty, we are at a loss to conceive what kind of testimony would be deemed satisfactory. It will be recollected that immediately after the concoction of that instrument, the Cherokee Nation, both individually and through its authorized representatives, protested against its ratification. The protest alleged that it was not the act of the Cherokee community, and that they had not been consulted; but that it was the work of a very few (about sixty or seventy) unauthorized persons of bad character, who were assembled to partake of a feast which had been provided by Mr. Schermerhorn, the United States' Commissioner. In the face of this protest, which was signed by nearly fourteen thousand persons, (nearly the whole nation,) the Senate, without inquiry, established the paper, by a formal vote, to be a valid contract—a binding treaty.

General Wool, who afterwards visited the nation on behalf of the United States, returned to Washington with a most perfect conviction, the expression of which he did not suppress, that the New Echota treaty had always been without and against the consent of the Cherokees. At the present session of Congress, an effort was made to institute an inquiry into the facts connected with the execution of the New Echota instrument, but inquiry was stifled by an indefinite postponement of the whole question. The paper, therefore, to all legal purposes, subsists as a treaty, under the provisions of which the Cherokees will be driven, in June next, from a cultivated and comfortable home, to a sickly wilderness, in the midst of savage tribes. In their memorial, they make a last appeal for protection, still trusting that faith, justice and magnanimity are virtues not utterly extinguished in the American Councils. Ought not this appeal to be seconded by a memorial from Philadelphia, expressing the sorrow, humiliation and shame which persistence in so unjust and unrighteous a policy cannot fail to inflict and awaken? As the inheritors of the principles of William Penn, Philadelphia cannot be silent in an emergency involving all that is precious and honorable in the national character.

——

MEMORIAL OF THE CHEROKEE NATION.

To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled, most humbly and respectfully showeth:

That whereas, we, the undersigned, citizens of the Cherokee nation, have always regarded the instrument purporting to be a treaty, made in December, 1835, at New Echota, by the Rev. John F. Schermerhorn and certain unauthorized individual Cherokees, to be a violation of the fundamental principles of justice, and an outrage on the primary rules of national intercourse, as well as the known laws and usages of the Cherokee nation, and therefore to be destitute of any binding force on us;

And, whereas, at a general council of the nation, held at Red Clay, in September, 1836, our sentiments were set forth and our solemn protest entered against it;

And whereas, at a subsequent general council of the nation, held at Red Clay, in August, 1837, a communication from the President of the United States, on the subject of said instrument, was delivered in full council by Col. John Mason, special agent of the United States.

And whereas, after mature deliberation on the said communication, the resolutions of the preceding council, in reference to that compact, were re-affirmed, together with the memorial which accompanied the same.

And whereas, we entertained the belief that, through the medium of the special agent's report, the President would become correctly informed of the state of the matter, and of the real sentiments of the Cherokee people.

We therefore cherished the confident hope that he would deem it right to abrogate that fraudulent instrument, and at once enter into arrangements with us for the adjustment of all difficulties.

With these views, we then appointed a delegation to represent us before the government of the United States, and vested them with full powers to make final arrangements of all matters in controversy; and we were animated with the prospect of a speedy termination of our distresses; but the cup of hope is dashed from our lips—our prospects are dark with horror, and our hearts are filled with bitterness. Agonized with these emotions, language fails; our tongues falter as we approach the bar of your august assemblies, before whom we again beg leave humbly to present our grievances.

With the full details of our troubles, we forbear to trespass on your indulgence. They are extensively known, and our delegation at Washington will be found ready to furnish any information which may be needed.

We therefore respectfully present the following, which will show the appalling circumstances in which we are placed, by the operation of that perfidious compact.

A communication has recently issued from the U. States agency, addressed to the Chiefs, head men and people of the Cherokee nation, in which we are told that “the Executive has formally declined” all intercourse or correspondence with Mr. Ross in relation to the treaty, “and” that “an end has been put to all negotiation upon the subject—that it is the unalterable determination of the President to execute the treaty—the time cannot possibly be prolonged—another day, beyond the time named, cannot and will not be allowed you.” The writers say: “We will not attempt to describe the evils that may fall upon you if you are still obstinate and refuse to conform to the requirements of the treaty—we will not paint the horrors that may ensue in such an event.

It will be readily conceived that declarations like these, emanating from such a source—our country already filled with troops—cannot fail to fill our minds with consternation and surprise. What have we done to merit such severe treatment? What is our crime? Have we invaded any one's rights? Have we violated any article of our numerous treaties? Have we in any manner acted in bad faith? We are not even charged with any such thing. But we are accused of “laboring under a dangerous error,” and of being “duped and deluded by those in whom we have placed implicit confidence.” “Your pretended friends,” say they, “have proved themselves to be your worst enemies.” But what is our “dangerous error”? What is our “delusion”? Is it delusion to be sensible of the wrongs we suffer? Is it a dangerous error to believe that the great nation, whose representatives we now approach, will never knowingly sanction a transaction originated in treachery, and to be executed only by violence and oppression? It cannot be. Is it a “delusion” to assert that the makers of this ill-omened compact were destitute of authority? This fact we are prepared to prove by incontestible evidence.

Indeed, it is virtually admitted by the parties themselves; and the very fact that an armed force should be put in requisition to defend their persons and to compel our submission, argues, not obscurely, a defect of confidence in the validity of the compact. Is it obstinacy to refuse our assent to an act which is a flagrant violation of the first principles of free government, and which sets foot on the neck of our liberties and our dearest rights? Are we to be thus frowned into silence for attempting to utter our complaints in the ear of our lawful and covenanted protector? Is it a crime to confide in our chiefs—the men of our choice—whom we have tried and found faithful? We would humbly ask in whom should we confide? Surely not in those who have, in the face of our solemn injunctions, and in opposition to the reiterated expression of our sentiments, conspired the ruin of our country—usurped the powers of the nation—framed the spurious compact—and by artifice and fraud, palmed it on the authorities of the United States, and procured for it the recognition of those high functionaries!

And now, in the presence of your august assemblies, and in the presence of the Supreme Judge of the Universe, most solemnly and most humbly do we ask—are we, for these causes, to be subjected to the indescribable evils which are designed to be inflicted on us? Is our country to be made the scene of the “horrors” which the Commissioners “will not paint”? For adhering to the principles on which your great empire is founded, and which have advanced it to its present elevation and glory, are we to be despoiled of all we hold dear on earth? Are we to be hunted through the mountains like wild beasts, and our women, our children, our aged, our sick, to be dragged from their homes, like culprits, and packed on board loathsome boats, for transportation to a sickly clime?

Already are we thronged with armed men; forts, camps, and military posts of every grade, already occupy our whole country. With us, it is a season of alarm and apprehension. We acknowledge the power of the United States; we acknowledge our own feebleness. Our only fortress is, the justice of our cause. Our only appeal on earth is to your tribunal. To you, then, we look. Before your honorable bodies—in view of the appalling circumstances with which we are surrounded—relying on the righteousness of our cause, and the justice and magnanimity of the tribunal to which we appeal—we do solemnly and earnestly protest against that spurious instrument; and we do hereby, also, respectfully re-affirm, as a part of this our memorial, the resolutions and accompanying memorials of the two last general councils of the nation, held at Red Clay. Our minds remain unaltered. We can never assent to that compact; nor can we believe that the United States are bound, in honor or in justice, to execute on us its degrading and ruinous provisions.

It is true, we are a feeble people; and as regards our physical power, we are in the hands of the United States. But we have not forfeited our rights; and if we fail to transmit to our sons the freedom we have derived from our fathers, it must not be by an act of suicide—it must not be by our own consent.

With trembling solicitude and anxiety, we most humbly and most respectfully ask, will you hear us? Will you extend to us your powerful protection? Will you shield us from the “HORRORS” of the threatened storm? Will you sustain hopes we have rested on the public faith, the honor, the justice of your mighty empire? We commit our cause to your favor and protection.

And your memorialists, as in duty bound, will ever pray.

Cherokee Nation, February 22, 1838.

[Signed by fifteen thousand six hundred and sixty-five of the Cherokee people, as will appear by referring to the original submitted to the Senate by the Cherokee Delegation.]



Vermont Telegraph. April 4, 1838

THE INDIANS.—The Seminole campaign, it appears, is to end about the time the Cherokee war will begin. It is very much doubted whether the Cherokees will agree to suffer the treaty of New-Echota to be enforced, obtained as they say it was, by fraud, and attended with hardship and oppression. A remonstrance signed by fourteen thousand of the Cherokees against the treaty has lately, it is said, come in. The treaty was ratified by the Senate, by a majority of one vote. No relief can be afforded, except by means of a new treaty. The Cherokees will agree to the emigration beyond the Mississippi, on certain conditions,—one of which is that they shall manage their own removal. The practice has generally been to remove them, by contract, and the contractors, looking only to their gains, are very careless of the comfort and health of the Indians. They blow them up in steamboats; keep them in a state of starvation; drive them, without shoes or blankets, during inclement seasons, through long marches in the wilderness; and abandon the feeble, the aged, the young, the weary, and the sick, to perish by the way side. The Cherokees know all this, and, if they consent to the execution of the treaty, they know that scarcely half of them will reach their destination beyond the Mississippi.

The Seminoles are aware of the same thing, after the proofs they have had of the degree of confidence to be reposed in American faith, and even in the faith of our general officers. They have, they say, lost only forty men, in battle, since the war commenced; and their places have been filled by warriors who have since grown up. But, in emigration, they would lose half their nation.


THE CHEROKEES.—A pretended treaty has been made with these civilized sons of the forest, by which they are to give up their lands, and to remove west of the Mississippi. This treaty has been from the first opposed by the great body of the nation, as in opposition to their wishes, and never having been authorized by them. Their principal objection is, that the treaty provides for their removal by the whites; and their wish is, if they move at all, to do it themselves, and not be exposed to the tortures and even death from those who would make the most money out of the expedition, as was lately the case of 200 who were sunk in a steamboat. Their wishes should be yielded in this respect, as they are as civilized as their neighbors of Georgia, and as well able to superintend their own removal. It appears from the following paragraph, that the government is determined to make them submit to their arbitrary requirements. Such treatment can no more be justified by the laws of God and humanity, than the aggressive wars of Alexander and Bonaparte. The motto is, “Might makes right.” The Raleigh Register says—N. E. Spectator.

We entertain serious fears that much difficulty is about to be experienced, in carrying into execution the treaty with the Cherokee Indians, which provides for their removal beyond the Mississippi. We have a considerable body of them, it is known, in the South-western part of North-Carolina, and so alarming are the indications of hostility among them, that the general government has made a requisition upon the executive of the State, for a force of volunteer infantry. The adjutant general has, accordingly, by direction of Gov. Dudley, issued orders to the proper commanding officers, to call out their respective regiments, with a view to the immediate organization, if practicable, of one or more volunteer companies, in each.”

Friday, July 25, 2014

The Cherokee Memorial Rejected! 1838


The Caledonian., April 10, 1838

From the Boston Atlas.
THE CHEROKEE MEMORIAL REJECTED!

The petition of the fifteen thousand Cherokees, to which we directed the attention of our readers a few days since, has been laid on the table in the House by a vote of 103 to 76. Thus both Houses have refused to give a hearing to the humble and respectful prayer of this deeply wronged people—and they are to be driven from the valuable domain of their ancestors without the color of law, of reason or of right. On the pretences that a fraudulent treaty got up between the agent of our government and one hundred renegade Cherokees, wholly irresponsible and unauthorized, as binding upon the fifteen thousand Cherokees, who have remonstrated against it, the United States are preparing to resort to force for the removal of this unhappy tribe, in order that their valuable lands may be given up to the harpy speculators, who have been laying in wait for them.

We begin to think that the individual was neither a fool nor a fanatic, who recently petitioned Congress to be relieved from his allegiance as an American citizen, so that no portion of the hoarded vengeance of Heaven for the unparalleled wrongs and cruelties of this government against the Indians might fall upon his head. If in the administration of a just Providence, retribution is ever inflicted on a nation for the iniquities and outrages of their rulers, then let those who have acquiesced in the infamous policy toward the Cherokees, forbear to complain should the poisoned chalice be returned to their own lips. Let no one impugn the justice of Heaven, should the spoiler yet be spoiled, and the trampler trampled!

The plunder of the Cherokees, and the forcible ejection of them from their cultivated lands, is an atrocity unsurpassed in turpitude by the deeds of the bloodiest tyrant that ever robbed the poor or scourged the weak. And the people of this country look tamely on, and hardly lift a voice against the horrible wrong!

But the course of our government toward the Cherokees is not only in violation of all principles of justice and humanity; it is unwise, impolitic and inexpedient. The policy of collecting all the vanquished and banished tribes of Indians on our Western frontier—some bearing the scars of our stripes and wounds—some entrapped by means of a flag of truce, and some subdued by a worse than savage barbarity—all torn from the homes that were dear to them, and all bound together by a sympathy and a common sentiment of revenge—the policy of concentrating these tribes, experienced in war, and justly indignant at their wrongs, in one body upon our frontier, may be very reasonably questioned. It is very certain, that the expenditures of our government must either be increased some thirty or forty millions, or the frontier inhabitants must be subjected to the constant liability of a sanguinary Indian invasion. The following testimony of Mr Yell of Arkansas, in the House of Representatives on Wednesday, is confirmatory of the views we have taken:

Mr Yell said he could tell gentlemen that if they did not speedily do something to protect the West, the scalps of half his constituents would shortly be on the pole. The Executive knew this. He had been distinctly told it by officers of the army; he had been warned of it from day to day. Was the administration waiting for the grass to grow? Was that the energy which they exhibited in defending a frontier immediately exposed to the Indians? If so, he was against this mode of administering the Government. The people of Arkansas would not stand it. They had asked for troops to whip these Indians; if the Government did not give them, they would whip them themselves; but at least let them have arms in their hands. Were they to come here, and pretend that a delay of two years was necessary to remove a few trees and to begin to build an arsenal? Was that their energy? How long would it be before Arkansas was protected, if it took two years to begin? He supposed in ten years they might begin to build a fort, and in about fifteen to send some troops. But he declared there in his place, THAT IN TWO YEARS THERE WOULD BE A WAR ON THE FRONTIER.

You have sent these Indians (said Mr Y.) on our border CHAINED. They have hell in their hearts, and every man acquainted with the nature of Indians well knows that they will never be satisfied until they get our scalps. You have sent us the Creeks in chains; now you are sending us the Cherokees; and then you will send the Seminoles; but you have got them to whip first, and I have very little fear as to such of them as are in Florida, the way you have been going on for some time past. But the Creeks and Osages are there already, and I warn you that they will commence a war within two years.

The gentleman has made excuses for the head of the ordnance Bureau. I know nothing about him; I will know nothing about any subordinate. I know the head of the Government, and I know the head of the Department, and the People of Arkansas will look to them, and to none others.

So much for what Mr Cass used to term the “philanthropic” policy of our Government toward the Indians! If war, pestilence and whiskey continue to make the havoc among them they have made the last ten years, hardly a specimen of the race will be left by the close of this century.

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MEMORIAL OF 3,000 BACHELORS.

To the most beautiful—the most lovely—the most accomplished and fairest of the fair: alias, the 3,000 young ladies of Boston, who signed a petition to the Congress of the United States, against the annexation of Texas to the Union of the North.

YOUNG LADIES:—We, your petitioners, bachelors, residing in the republic of Texas, deeply aware of the important control which your sex have over our destinies, have witnessed with humiliation and regret, your recent memorial to the Congress of the United States, against the annexation of Texas to your happy Union. We are the most mortified from the consideration that in thus frankly expressing your disapprobation of a national union, you show a disposition to oppose a union of a more domestic nature, by which happiness would be more immediately connected. We will not, however, shut out all comfort and consolation from our bosoms, by supposing that you cannot be persuaded to change your opinion, but still hope, that a proper representation will induce you to change the position you have assumed, and adopt as a rule of action, a course calculated to promote your own and our felicity.

We would, then, humbly represent, that we have a country larger in extent than the kingdom of France and Spain; with a sky as bright, and a climate as mild as the South of Italy; our soil is equal in fertility to the Delta of Egypt, with an atmosphere pure and healthful as the mountains of Circassia. Our population is composed of the chivalrous of all nations, who rallied to the standard of the single star of the west, to oppose the oppression of a semi-barbarous race, and wrest from tyranny and oppression the fairest portions of the habitable globe. The battle has been fought and won; justice and chivalry have triumphed; and the gods of battle have given into our hands a country so supremely beautiful, that it would be invaluable, could we call from our fathers land that “last best gift of heaven,” without which Eden itself was a desert.

We are here, dear objects of our affection, without wives; we have not one woman to a hundred men, and it is this reflection which more sensibly embitters the course you have adopted towards us. We are aware that the refinements of the age will not allow us to adopt the precedent set by the youths of Rome, in seizing upon the fair daughters of their Sabine neighbors; that now females have attained their proper sphere in society; they are no longer looked upon as the slaves of the stern sex but as the companions equal in mind and capacity, and superior in all the milder virtues which ennoble the human heart. It is this reflection which renders your course painful in the extreme; but we would approach you with due reverence, humbly throwing ourselves on your mercy, hoping to find your bosoms glowing with a different sentiment from the one expressed in your memorial to the Congress of the United States.

We would farther add, that ours is, perhaps, the only country on the face of the globe where a proper estimate is placed upon the ladies. Even before the declaration of independence a woman was considered equal in value to three men, for a single man received from the government as a settlement right, but one fourth of a league of land; whereas if he had a wife, he obtained four times that amount. And such is the anxiety of our government officers to promote an emigration of the fair from other countries, with a probability of securing to themselves happiness in domestic life, (being nearly all bachelors,) they have granted [to each lady] two-thirds of a league of land, (as a dower to her husband,) who shall marry in the next twelve months. These considerations should prevent you from forming a hasty opinion against us.

In conclusion, if you will emigrate to our fair land, we [will] bind ourselves individually and collectively, to furnish you with good husbands, within from eight to ten months after your arrival upon our coast, and thus furnish you with a better employment than meddling with political questions, which should interest you much less than your own domestic felicity.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

HOUSTON, Texas, Jan. 18, 1838.

[Signed by 3,000 bachelors, whose names are omitted for want of room.]

———— Also, in the Texas Chronicle. February 28, 1838

DEATH OF OSCEOLA. THE WANDERER'S RETURN


Maumee Express. March 3, 1838 Rutland Herald. April 10, 1838

From Google+ [Edited: 2014-07-27]

From the Madisonian. Our correspondent will please to accept our thanks for the touching and beautiful dirge on Osceola. The last of his race could not have lamented him in a strain of deeper pathos, or truer sublimity. DEATH OF OSCEOLA. The Indian Chief stood pensively Within his prison cell;— He who had led his warlike tribe, Where many, fighting, fell;— And though death's hand was on him then,— Though raged the fever high— Still anger sat upon his brow, And vengeance fired his eye! Imagination carried him To days that then were past, When followed by his gallant band He braved the battle's blast; And saw the balls that round him fell As thickly as the hail, When wintry clouds obscure the sky, And wintry winds prevail! He mused—and then compared his state— The present with the past; Once, fighting for his native land— Now, bound in fetters fast! His haughty[/mighty] spirit spurned control— Insulted was his pride;— A short farewell—a bitter curse— And OSCEOLA died!
The World Of Fashion And Continental Feuilletons. 1838 (page 38)

From Google+

THE WANDERER'S RETURN. Years had gone by—his hair was grey, Who sought again the much lov'd spot, Where youth's first hours had passed away 'Mid friends who ne'er might be forgot. The path he trod—he knew it well, The ancient oak its shade still shed; But those he sought no one could tell, But wondering answered—“They were dead.” He sought the cot of one he'd left, A laughing merry-hearted thing; Who near his youthful heart had crept, As tendril round a flower of spring! Where is she now? The laughing voice, The happy, tripping, blithesome tread, No longer bids his heart rejoice, But echo whispers—“She is dead!” His sisters, say, ah where are they,— Companions of his youthful hours? He sought them where they used to play, But sad and cheerless were the bowers. The trees they'd planted side by side, Now proudly waved above his head; He asked, “Where are they?” they replied, “Thy sisters, wanderer—they are dead!” He turned away—his brother dear, The boy his mother doated on; How is it that he is not here, To welcome back the wandering one? He called him by his well known name, But echo answered in his stead— Again the chilling response came, “Thy brother, wanderer—he is dead!” His sire was full of manhood's pride When he had left, a boy, his home, His mother's cheek had time defied, He fondly thought, for years to come; He sought them both, but there alas, Within the churchyard's narrow bed, A tombstone told him as he passed, “Thy parents, wanderer—they are dead!” He sought again the ancient hall, Where desolation held her sway, And heard the owl's dull croaking call, And bats against the casement play. His footsteps on the marble floor Aroused th' intruders, and they fled; Shrieking, “thy friends, they are no more, Maid, brother, sisters—all are dead!” W. H. FLEET. ———— Also, in the Glimpses of our Ancestors in Sussex. 1882 (page 268)

Monday, July 21, 2014

Cherokees, beware the wrath of USA! 1838


Edgefield advertiser., April 5, 1838

From the Western Georgian.

CHEROKEE DELEGATION.—We learn from Mr. Bell, a respectable citizen of this county, that the Cherokee Delegation who recently visited the city of Washington, to Memorialize Congress in relation to the Treaty of 1835, stopped at Franklin, Macon county, N. C., on their return home. They were interrogated in his presence relative to their disposition concerning a removal by the 23d of May next, as well as to the advice and instructions of Mr. Ross, their principal Chief. They replied that Mr. Ross told them to go home, and go to work—and not to think of removing. That the treaty of 1835, was not made by him, and no other person or assemblage of persons, had a right to make a Treaty to cede the land of the Cherokees—and it was, therefore, fraudulent and void. They also stated, that Mr. Ross would be in this country in six weeks from this time.

We have judged correctly in relation to the disposition of the Indians in our former suggestion on this subject, as we are now fully convinced of the fact from what has come to light. The destiny of the Cherokees remaining in the States, is now in the hands of their Chief, and the people of Georgia, at least, will hold him responsible for the least outrage of this deluded race. But we still hope that principles of humanity and patriotism will so far govern the conduct of Mr. Ross, as to stifle any disposition on his part to bring down upon the heads of his devoted followers, the wrath of the people of the United States.

———————

...

The destruction of property by the late fire at the Emperor's palace at St. Petersburg is estimated at four millions and a half of dollars. Several paintings of the divine Raphael were consumed.

Sunday, July 20, 2014

Cherokees must leave their lands. 1838


The Caledonian., April 3, 1838

Monday, March 26.

In the SENATE, the Cherokee Treaty formed the subject of a long debate this morning, between Messrs. Southard, Lumpkin, King and Grundy. Mr. Southard presented a memorial from FIFTEEN THOUSAND of the Cherokees, and from the Representatives of the Cherokees now in the City,—John Ross and his associates,—against the Cherokee Treaty.

The memorialists deny the justice and the validity of the Treaty by which the Cherokees are to remove west of the Mississippi.

Mr Southard advocated a reference of this memorial to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

Mr King, of Alabama, was for laying the memorial upon the table, and for having nothing further to do with the Treaty.

Mr Clay, of Ala., was against action, and in favor of laying the whole subject on the table.

Mr Grundy was of the same opinion. The old treaty, he thought, was a good one, and no encouragement should be given to any attempt to violate it.

Mr White, of Tenn., Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, was in favor of having the memorial laid upon the table in preference to being referred to his own Committee.

The memorial was then laid upon the table—ayes 36, noes 10.

...

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THE CHEROKEES. Much as has been said in years past respecting the fate of the “poor Indian” —deep-toned and solemn has has been the protests of the people against the iniquitous policy which has for its object the expulsion from their possessions the lingering remnants of the Aboriginals of America—unjust and cruel as is that policy in all its features—expensive and sanguinary as has been its prosecution thus far—deep as have been the wailings and plentiful the tears of the red-men—all these motives and considerations have not proved sufficient to induce the Government to relax from its determination to push to an extent the most barbarous nation under heaven would blush to imitate, the unrighteous and cursed system of extirpation adopted in reference to the Indians. In 1835, an agent of the United States met a few irresponsible individuals of the Cherokees against the consent of nine-tenths of the tribe, the chiefs and head men, drew up an instrument called a treaty, and induced these men he had decoyed from the interests of the tribe to sign it. The instrument stipulates, for certain considerations, that the Cherokee nation shall surrender their possession and emigrate beyond the Mississippi on the 23d of May next. That portion of the nation withholding their assent to this fraudulent transaction have repeatedly protested against the provisions of the treaty, but in vain. The President has informed them through an agent that they must leave their lands, and that “an end has been put to all negociation upon the subject—that it is the unalterable determination of the President to execute 'the treaty'—the time cannot possibly be prolonged.” And adds, “we will not attempt to describe the evils that may fall upon you, if you are still obstinate, and refuse conform to the requirements of the treaty—we will not paint the horrors that may ensue in such an event.”

Here we have it—blood and carnage—war to the knife—another Seminole affair, or a Cherokee war. The Cherokees have manifested a disposition to defend their rights, and the Government has made a requisition upon Gov. Dudley of N. Carolina for a military force to enforce the treaty. Should the Cherokees resist, our army will enter their territory, destroy their property and put them to the sword! Shame to the white man! Shame to that avaricious spirit which seeks the soil of the Indian consecrated by the dust of his fathers, and would drive him from it by brute force! Stay thy judgments Heaven, that our guilty nation may repent!


Poems, by Mrs. L. H. Sigourney. 1836
THE ABORIGINES. WHERE are they, the forest-rangers, Children of this western land? Who, to greet the pale-fac'd strangers, Stretch'd the unsuspecting hand? Where are they, whom passion goaded Madly to the unequal fight, Tossing wild the feathery arrow 'Gainst the girded warrior's might? Were not these their own bright waters? Were not these their native skies? Rear'd they not their red-brow'd daughters Where our princely mansions rise? From the vale their roofs have vanish'd, From the streams their slight canoe; Chieftains and their tribes have perish'd, Like the thickets where they grew. Though their blood, no longer gushing, Wakens War's discordant cry, Stains it not the maple's flushing When sad autumn's step is nigh? None are living to deplore them, None survive their names to tell; Only Nature, sighing o'er them, Seems to sigh, farewell! farewell! ———— [Slightly different in THE FAMILY MINSTREL. December 1, 1835] ————

Cherokee Indians disturb N. Carolina. 1838


The North-Carolina standard., March 21, 1838

THE CHEROKEES.

The Milledgeville Union informs us that the Cherokees show no signs of an intention to remove, though the time stipulated by the treaty is less than two months and a half. On the contrary they are repairing their houses and farms, making arrangements for planting crops, and many of them openly declare their intention to remain where they are. John Ross controls the tribe. He is now in Washington, encouraged by Wise of Virginia, Everett of Vermont, and other Federal leaders, to hold out against our Government and contemn the provisions of a solemn stipulation. There are certain “Whig” representatives, of the South, who will find it difficult to satisfy their constituents that the encouragement they have given Ross and his party, is consistent with a due regard to the general welfare. The desolation of our frontier will be considered as “going a little too far,” in opposition to the General Government. The requisitions of the bank and federal party, on our southern “patriotic whigs,” are likely to lead to results, which North Carolina and Georgia, will feel severely.

Since writing the above, we see the following in the Raleigh Register, of Monday last, which brings the matter nearer to our own doors:

“INDIAN DISTURBANCES.—We entertain serious fears that much difficulty is about to be experienced, in carrying into execution the treaty with the Cherokee Indians, which provides for their removal beyond the Mississippi. We have a considerable body of them, it is known, in the South-western part of North Carolina, and so alarming are the indications of hostility among them, that the General Government has made a requisition upon the Executive of the State, for a force of Volunteer Infantry. The Adjutant General has, accordingly, by direction of Gov. Dudley, issued Orders to the proper Commanding Officers, to call out their respective Regiments, with a view to the immediate organization, if practicable, of one or more Volunteer companies, in each.”

———— [“Indian Affairs” in Army and Navy Chronicle. 1838.]

Saturday, July 19, 2014

Dawson: Indian down, squaws taken. 1838


Edgefield advertiser., March 29, 1838
FROM FLORIDA. MILLEDGEVILLE, March 13. The following letter from Capt. Dawson to the editor, conveys the distressing intelligence that our gallant fellow citizen, Col. Foster commanding the second regiment of Georgia volunteers, has been severely wounded. FORT CLINCH, 13th Feb. 1838. Dear Sir:—Having a good opportunity to send you a letter, I seize the occasion to drop you a line. Since I wrote you last, we have secured the Walkasassee, and finding that the Indians had left that part of the country, we marched to fort Clinch, and after resting 2 days, proceeded to Wahoo Swamp, which we penetrated at the point where General Call fought them last campaign. It is certainly a terrible hammock. We camped in it one night, and the next day passed entirely through without discovering any considerable sign of the enemy. I carried my piece of artillery along, and passed it through places where artillery certainly never was before, and probably will never be again. From thence we moved to Fort Dade, by the way of Dade's battle ground. There have been so many descriptions given of that tragic spot that it would be useless for me to attempt one now. It has changed much since I saw it first, shortly after the mangled bodies of our murdered countrymen had been buried by Gen. Gaines. It then presented all the appearance of a desperate and bloody conflict, but it is so no longer. Now, the great military road comes winding along the pine barren, the water fowl skims blithely across the adjacent pond, and Fort Armstrong, now ungarrisoned, rises to the distant view. The neatly paled graves of the officers on one side of the road, and the privates on the other, and the numerous perforations of bullets, in the adjacent trees, are all that remain to mark the spot where rest the gallant Dade and his brave companions. Upon our arrival at Fort Dade, finding but little provisions or forage, our wagons were despatched to Tampa, and we set out on Clinch's trail, to scour the Enutaliga[/Enutatiga] and black hammocks. On arriving near old fort Cooper, Col. Foster with his command was sent to the black hammocks, and the first regiment and battalion moved on Scott's road to the Enutaliga. No Indians were found in either; and after meeting together, and being joined by our wagons, we marched for Chrystal river. Scouts were sent out on each side, and every hammock or hiding place that could conceal an Indian was traversed. On the 7th, Col. Foster was sent to our left and during the day discovered considerable signs of Indians; and after following the trail for some distance, a warrior and some women were seen in the woods. A pursuit was immediately commenced, headed by the colonel, who called repeatedly to the Indian to stop, instead of doing which, finding he would be overtaken, he threw himself behind a tree, and gave Col. Foster the contents of his rifle, inflicting a severe and I am afraid, dangerous wound in his breast. He then held up his hands and cried enough, which he soon received, for he had scarcely uttered the word, before a half dozen bullets brought him to the ground. The squaws were taken, from which we have received some important information, which will probably govern our next expedition, the result of which, I will give you in my next. With respect, &c. J. W. H. DAWSON. Commandant of Artillery.

Thursday, July 17, 2014

Tale of Tiger Tail, Seminole, 1838


The North-Carolina standard., March 14, 1838
FROM THE MILLEDGEVILLE UNION. FROM FLORIDA. We received a few days since, the following communication from one of the officers attached to General Nelson's brigade of Georgia volunteers, from which it appears that the Seminoles have at last found a body of men who are too hard for them. How gratifying it must be, not only to the particular relations and friends of our gallant countrymen, but to every true Georgian, to witness the gallantry and good conduct of their fellow-citizens in a contest with a savage foe! Go ahead, boys! Honors await you. GEORGIA BRIGADE. } “In the Woods—Head-Quarters, Feb. 8, 1838. } “Dear Sir—Since I wrote to you last, several things of importance have transpired. “I informed you in my last communication, that we had taken a number of prisoners; but were unable to gain any information from them, for want of an interpreter. Since that time, one has arrived from Tampa Bay; and on our reaching the Enutatiga Hammock, his services were put in requisition. Several of the enemy appeared on the edge of the hammock, with a white flag, he returned and stated that Tigertail and several other Chiefs were there, with a large number of Indians, and wished to have a big talk with us—upon the receipt of which information, the brigade was formed, and several other officers and myself went forward about half way, and halted. In a few moments, eight Indians emerged from the hammock, and approached us. One had on his head the skin of a white crane, and was dressed in full costume; the balance had nothing remarkable about them, except that they were all fine looking men. On they came, in single file, the white helmet leading the way, until they approached us within about ten paces, when an officer stepped forward and extended his hand, which was taken by their leader, who, I learned from the interpreter, was the celebrated Tigertail. Holatoocha followed next, and after shaking hands, we sat down on the grass in a circle. “One of the Chiefs, whose name I forgot, produced a pipe and lit it, and passed it to Tigertail, who, after taking a few whiffs, passed it to our Colonel; from him to Holatoocha; from him to me, and so on alternately, from white man to Indian, until it went around. After some time had elapsed, and finding the Indians were not disposed to open the conversation, I desired the interpreter to say to them, that if they had any propositions to make, we were ready to hear them—that I was instructed to say to them, by our General, that he hoped they would come in without any fighting, and bring their families; and if they would, they should be treated well, and sent to their homes across the big water, which their great father had provided for them —that if they concluded to come in, they must do so that evening, as they had kept bad faith heretofore, and therefore they could not be trusted— and lastly, if they did not agree to these conditions, he would march his troops upon them immediately. After the delivery of which Tigertail rose and addressed the circle. “I took down his speech as interpreted to me, and here give it to you in full: “'Chiefs of the pale faces! when I used to talk to you before, I called you brothers. I even lived among you before the war commenced.— I am a Tallahassean. I therefore staid in the land where rests the bones of my fathers—even on the spot where your big Council House is built, and your town, which is named of my people. But when you sought to drive back my tribe across the big waters, among the bad Indians, I went back to them. I gathered my people around me, and said to them to die on the land which the Great Spirit had given them. For two years we have fought the whites, and but few of my warriors have been killed, until you Georgians came, since which time we have had no peace. “'Why have you come here? Did not your great chief give you a big talk before you left? Did he not tell you he was no fighting man, and that he did not wish you to go to war?—that he would not give you money to buy you meat, or bread, if you went? Did not many of your head men in your big council, tell you not to come, and offer you money if you would go back home? Why did you not do it? We do not want to fight you, for you follow us into the hammocks, and wade through mud and water on our trail, and shoot our people, and give us no rest. We are safe from you in no hiding place. We are tired of fighting you, and hope you will listen to the words of your great chief, and go home and disturb us no more.'” “I then desired the interpreter to say to him, that although our great chief was not a fighting man, still there were other chiefs who were, by whom we would be governed, and fight them until they surrendered—that although our chief would not give us meat or bread, we had got along without his assistance, and that we now had plenty—and finally, that we would not go back home as he had advised, but still continue to kill his men, and take his women and children prisoners. “He then rose again, and addressed us: “'Chiefs of the pale faces! If such is your determination, I can hold no further talk with you. This much, though, I will say. I will send a talk to my friends in Georgia, and tell them to heap abuse, calumny & slander upon you, while you remain here.'” “Here he was interrupted by one of our fiery young officers, who remarked, if they do heap calumny and abuse upon us while we are here, we will disprove it by our own actions which the world will know; and after we get home, if they continue it, we will chastise them personally. “During this harangue, Tigertail listened with all the gravity of an Indian; and at the close made the following reply: “'I know that your actions will disprove their assertions; but if they even live for a moment, which they must do if you are not there, it will be some gratification to your enemies. You had better return to your homes, and stop those who are disposed to slander you in your absence, and leave me and my tribe to live in peace.'” “The interpreter was then instructed to say to him, that we could listen no longer, and if he did not give up immediately, we should march upon him; upon which information, he raised a whoop and broke for the hammock, followed by the rest. We then charged and fought the battle of the Enutatiga. ——— FROM THE CHARLESTON COURIER 5th inst. We learn by the Steamer James Adams, from Indian River (Florida,) that the further cessation of hostilities, to continue for 5 days, to allow the Indians to come in, had been agreed to by Gen. Jesup, which had not expired at the last accounts from the army. Some further particulars of the melancholy fate of the late Dr. Leitner, have been communicated to us. Information had reached St. Augustine that Dr. L. was taken alive by the Indians, but very severely wounded—they came to the determination to preserve his life, in order to avail themselves of his professional services, and therefore provided a litter for him, and carried him about thirty miles, making the greatest care to make his situation as comfortable as possible. After they had proceeded this distance, however, a young Indian, who had lost a brother in the battle with Col. Taylor's command, rushed upon Dr. Leitner, as he lay on a blanket, and sending up a hellish yell, shot him dead with his rifle.
Niles' National Register., February 17, 1838 Army and Navy Chronicle., February, 1838
FLORIDA—OFFICIAL CAMP PIERCE, ON INDIAN RIVER. January 17, 1838. ...Our loss has been considerable, and, in the death of Dr. Leitner, irreparable. He proved himself a man of singular ability, modesty, and courage...

Tuesday, July 15, 2014

Indians, Seminole, Osceola (Copy from Google+)

From Google+

NEW ENGLAND FARMER. January 31, 1838.
From the New York Evening Star. DESTRUCTION OF THE MANDANS, AND OTHER TRIBES BY SMALL POX. STUYVESANT INSTITUTE, New York, Jan. 3, 1838. DEAR SIR—Your note of the 2d inst. was duly received, and to your inquiry “whether the report of the melancholy fate of the Mandans be true,” I am sorry to reply that the account you gave of them a few days since was literally correct. Several letters have just been received from the Upper Missouri, written by gentlemen of unquestionable veracity (agents of the American Fur Company to their principals in this city,) giving a most melancholy account of the ravages of the small pox among several of the Upper Missouri tribes of Indians. By the latest accounts from them, it seems that the disease was raging with the most desolating effects amongst the Assineboins, the Blackfeet, and other tribes in that vicinity. Several thousands had already been destroyed, and of the interesting, friendly, and gentlemanly Mandans, nothing remains but a few straggling individuals, who must, from necessity and the custom of the country, merge into the ranks of their surrounding enemies, where they will be used as slaves. So terminates the existence of Indian tribes, who, from want of numbers, become unable to stand against the assaults of their enemies. Such is unquestionably the result to which the Mandan nation has arrived, and their race (with their interesting, peculiar customs—their religion and social happiness) may be said to be extinct. Poor noble and gallant fellows! there are but a few of the civilized world besides myself who know their virtues, and we alone well know how to extend our sympathies to them. The Mandans, when I was in their country, lived all in two villages, in sight of each other, on the west bank of the Missouri, 1,800 miles above St. Louis.—They formerly lived further down the river, and then, in eight or ten villages, the marks of which I saw, and closely examined, while descending the Missouri river. They had suffered immense losses from the hostility of the Sioux during the last forty years, and their numbers and strength were very much reduced. The American Fur Company, not many years since, erected a formidable fort by the side of their principal village on the bank of the river, and probably had been the means of preserving them thus far from the destroying hands of the Sioux, as their village and the plains about it were under the complete protection of the guns of the fort. They have fallen victims, however, to an enemy that was ruthless and irresistible, and it is probable that little else of them is left for the world's instruction than the memorials which I made and collected of them whilst living with them. I became more charmed with this tribe than I did with any other, and, consequently, took more pains to portray their customs and peculiarities of character. I have views of their villages, (as those will attest who have visited my rooms,) their lodges, their festivals, their games, their religious ceremonies, together with a great number of portraits of their principal men and women, and also a full collection of their costumes and other manufactures. It is a source of great satisfaction to me (and should be so to the world also) that I was lucky enough to snatch such memorials of these unfortunate people from oblivion at the time that I did; and their melancholy fate is one more sudden fulfilment of the prophecies which I have been making to the world—that these noble fellows are soon to be swept, nation after nation, from the face of the earth. You ask me “how this disease was carried among them?” I cannot tell. There is no doubt, however, that its germ was, in some way or other, communicated from the civilized borders; for, although the small pox has been the greatest destroyer of the Indian race, it is a fact that it never had its origin amongst them. Almost every tribe of Indians that now exist, or ever have existed east of these poor fellows, who are now taking their turn with it, and as far east as the Atlantic coast,* have successively suffered under the desolating ravages of this civilized scourge. But a few years since the Pawnees lost one half of their nation; the Puncahs lost two thirds; the Omahas and Otoes, Missourias and Kanzas lost one half at least of their numbers by it. Only one year and a half ago I was at Prarie du Chien, on the Upper Mississippi, where I witnessed its frightful effects amongst the Winnebagoes and Sioux—every other man amongst them was slain by it; and O-wa-pe-shaw, the greatest man of the Sioux, with half of his band, died under the corners of fences, in little (horrid) groups, to which kindred ties held them in ghastly death, with their bodies swollen and covered with pustules—their eyes blinded— hideously howling their death song in utter despair —affectionately clinging to each other's necks with one hand, and grasping bottles and tin pans of whiskey in the other! But let me stop. The actual ravages of this deadly disease (which, like other causes that have led to the rapid demolition of the numerous tribes of the West, and of which I shall give some more definite accounts ere long,) have heretofore been little known to the civilized world, and for the reason solely that these benighted people have had no proper vehicle of knowledge or information that could reach beyond the oral legends of their wigwam firesides—they have had no newspapers. Yours, &c. GEORGE CATLIN. ——— NOTE. Our readers will recollect the tradition among the Indians, spoken of by the Puritans on their first settlement of New England. These white emigrants were told that whole nations had been swept off before this country was visited, and the Puritans deemed it a providential circumstance. —————————————————— Another copy: Burlington free press., February 02, 1838
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The Columbia Democrat., February 17, 1838
From the Baltimore American, Jan. 22. Mr. Catlin, the celebrated painter of Indian portraits, has returned from his trip to the South, where he had gone to procure the likeness of the chiefs lately captured, we are almost ashamed to say how, in Florida. Among the eleven portraits which he executed are those of Oseola, Macanopy and Cloud, the first of which is said to be a most admirable picture. The warrior is painted at full length, with his rifle in his hands, and has an expression and attitude powerfully indicative of his accute sense of injury. In thus committing to canvass the pictures of those who have suffered from the wrongs of the white man, Mr. C. is preparing a mornful remembrance of Indian suffering, and handing down to the reprobation of posterity the memory of scenes at the mention of which humanity shudders. There is an intense interest attaching to the destinies of the sons of the forest, which cannot have its full development until the excitement of the present shall have passed away, and things be seen as they are, without the false glare imparted by heated prejudices. When the day of fair and candid appreciation shall come, our descendants will perhaps look with astonishment on the records of past times, and regard with wonder, not unmingled with disapproval, the exterminating policy which could have relentlessly pursued the destitute Indian from the shores of the Atlantic to the precipices of the Rocky Mountains, and left him no place whereon to rest his foot. As Americans we almost shudder whilst we anticipate the judgment then to be passed upon Christian regard for the benighted savage, and the mercy of civilized men for a prostrate enemy. ————————————————————— Osceola of Florida www.loc.gov/pictures/item/96508305
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The Daily Pittsburgh Gazette. February 15, 1838.
From the N. Y. Evening Star. OSCEOLA. The following letter from Mr. Catlin was received two days ago. We learn that the writer himself has returned to the city. His description of the captive Chief will be read with interest. FORT MOULTRIE, Sullivan's Island, } near Charleston, Jan.24, 1838. } Dear Sir:—For the first time since I arrived here, I have a moment of leisure to give you a few lines descriptive of things and events at this place. Charleston city is about six miles distant, and in full view from the place where I am writing. Lovely spring would seem to be reigning over it, instead of hoary winter, and her gardens are decked with green foliage and roses. In Fort Moultrie are the Seminole prisoners of war—250 in number—chiefs, warriors, women and children, in a motley and miserable group. Osceola, Micanopy, Cloud, Coahajo, and King Philip, are the chiefs; and of them, as well as of several others, I have already secured the portraits, which I shall bring to New York in a few days. Mick-e-no-pah, who is the first civil chief of the nation, and was, at the commencement of the war, the owner of an hundred negroes, is a stately and dignified man, proud of his superabundant flesh, and equally so of his title of “General,” as he is familiarly called. This fat dignitary, and also Cloud, and several others, seem tolerably quiescent, and not disposed to grieve away their fat in their present confinement; but there is one restless spirit amongst them of a different cast—one who sits and broods over his nation's calamities with a broken heart, and pines and sickens in an agony which none but himself can know or feel—I mean Osceola (Powell,) or as he and all the other chiefs distinctly pronounce it, As-se-o-la. From the time I have spent with this Chief, and the familiar interviews I have had with him in conversation, I have been enabled to form a pretty correct notion of the feelings and character, as well as history, of this extraordinary man. A Creek by birth, he left his own tribe whilst a boy, and sought an asylum amongst the Seminoles where he has been reared, and where he has flourished since. His father was a white man, by the name of Powell, who abandoned him and sent him a vagrant upon the world to cater for himself. He soon became a favorite amongst the Seminoles, and from his force of character and genius alone, he has risen to the highest honors of the nation. All the plays, and other manly sport, Powell was reputed first in the nation; and his name was changed to As-se-o-la, from the fact that he could drink a great quantity of the “black drink,” (called as-se-o-la) which was prepared from some bitter and nauseating herbs, and drank preparatory to the fast and feast of the green corn dance. From such facts, it appears he is entirely a “self-made man,” and one of an extraordinary character, which is conclusively proved by the fact that he is acknowledged, and followed by all the chiefs of the nation, as their head war chief. Though he is but a demi-savage in blood, yet he speaks not a word of English; and in his actions and feelings is as perfectly an Indian as any man I ever saw. In stature he is about the middle size; and in his features there is no striking peculiarity to stamp them out of mediocre, but a pleasing symmetry of proportion, upon which the lights and shadows of passion and feeling are seen to play with perfect effect. There is at times spread over them the most benignant and expressive smiles, even to perfect effeminacy; and, at others, they are darkened with the sternness of a Brutus, or the agony of a dying gladiator. In fact, he is the perfect beau ideal of and Indian prince—graceful in his movements, and mild, almost to childishness, in his intercourse with the world. His hand is small and delicate to the touch as that of a female, and the loveliest of them are continually flocking around him in groups to feel its gentle grasp, and catch the languishing look from his downcast eye—to bestow upon him some beautiful tinsel or plume, and levy upon his raven locks for a a small and precious keepsake of As-se-o-la. I thought at first, like thousands of others who take but a glance at him, that he was effeminate and womanish, but on a little acquaintance and familiarity with him, I became fully convinced that the true character of this man is not to be learned by the transient visitor, who sees him but a moment, and in that moment a prisoner withering under a broken spirit, endeavoring to raise a smirk and a smile to meet the gazing world who are flocking to see him. These smiles are soft and beautiful, and are many; but those who, life myself, have heard him pour forth his griefs in the simpering tears of actual childishness, and then instantly rally and rouse himself into the indignant sternness of the warrior and hero, will easily see that those smiles are based upon an agony that regularly preys upon his substance. His face is certainly one of the most expressive kind I have ever seen —capable of the most vivid and striking exhibition of the human passion that can possibly be imagined, bearing upon its front the predominant characteristic impress of sternness and reserve, and excessive perseverance in the pursuits of life. His manner of dress and ornament is such as greatly to interfere with the full development of his true character. His hair is cut close to the head, except a superabundance which is left on the forehead, flowing down to his eyes, and large tufts protruding from his temples in front of his ears, and dropping down near to the clavicle, resembling, or rather in all probability originating, (for Indians fashions never change) the present fashion which the gentlemen of New York are adopting, of cultivating locks over the ears, which might be properly styled “a la Powell.” Back of this is passed around his head, with great taste, a richly embroidered handkerchief or shawl, in the form of a Moorish band or Turkish turban, supporting two or three ostrich plumes, which fall quite back in a horizontal position. The ancient and native form of dress he still adheres to, the tunic and manteau, the leggins and moccasins; but the approximation of this tribe to civilization has substituted the material of calicoes and fustians in place of skins; so that the base of his dress is of civilized manufacture, and adorned and ornamented according to their own whimsical taste. Silver ear drops are pendant from his ears—silver breastplates, in form of crescents, and a profusion of beads and trinkets fall over the breast—a broad and beautifully garnished belt crosses his left shoulder, to which is attached his bullet pouch and horn. Around his waist he wears a blue sash of exquisite workmanship, interwoven with white and blue beads—his garters, which are very broad, and embracing the greater part of the calf of his leg, are of the same material—tightly bandaged over his leggins of scarlet cloth, and his moccasins are of buckskin, ornamented with beads and hawk bills. Such, with his rifle in his hand, and his knife in his belt, (his only weapons) is As-se-o-la, the fallen Prince and Hero of Florida. I have listened much and faithfully to the narrations of this man, and drawn other information from those who have been longer and more intimately acquainted with him, and I am fully convinced that there is something of the most extraordinary nature in the true character of this man—a something that bears an impress which can never be forgotten or erased. He has a mind of a wonderful construction, calculated to fortify and yet destroy itself—a lurking cunning, capable of gilding with the warmth and glowing pleasantness of sunshine, the whirling tempest that's raging in his soul, and even in his mirth and childishness destroying him. He smiles and fawns and languishes before the gazing world; but in his solitude, or when he tells in confidence his tales of grief, though mild and smiling dew drops moisten his eyes at one moment, yet the burning hero rushes through their sockets at the next—his black brows jot over their balls of fire—his nostrils and bosom swell with impatience—and his clenched teeth are set in silent oaths of irretractable revenge. Naturally of a restless and impatient disposition—in his captive interviews with the civilized world he smiles—but in his solitude he grieves and pines with a broken heart. The world who barely see him, shake the hand of a laughing fawn; but those who listen to his griefs as I have done, will see the sternness of a Roman, and in his agony a beautiful statue of Vengeance. A mind thus organized and enthralled by such circumstances as have fallen to his lot, must soon destroy its tenement. There are elements in such a spirit that wage a deadly war with the body, when thwarted and chained down to a prison—his physical strength is rapidly giving way, and I would be very much surprised if he should survive many months or even weeks in his present confinement, and under his present agony of feeling. More anon. In great haste Respectfully yours, &c. GEORGE CATLIN. ——————————————————— Partly here: news.google.com Edgefield advertiser., February 22, 1838 —————————— THE BOOK OF THE INDIANS BY SAMUEL G. DRAKE: books.google.com books.google.com
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NILES' NATIONAL REGISTER. February 17, 1838.
DEATH OF OSCEOLA. As we had reason to anticipate from the despondency spoken of by Mr. Catlin in his letter, a day or two since published in the Star, together with the severe attack of quinsy sore throat which this chief suffered a few days before Mr. C. left Charleston, he has fallen a victim to those combined causes, and now “Life's fitful fever oe'r Sleeps quiet in his grave.” He died on Tuesday night at Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, in the harbor of Charleston. Mr. Catlin informs us that a few days before he left, Osceola was suddenly attacked one night with a violent inflammation of the throat, which proved quinsy. The officers and surgeon thought him dying, and set up with him. By copious bleeding in the arm, he recovered. It was at this moment that Mr. C. saw Osceola under circumstances of so impressive a character that he can never erase them from his mind. For some distance, before reaching his quarters, he heard his deep and heavy groans, and on entering found the noble chieftain—who could endure every hardship in Florida's desolate hammocks, and who dared to peril any danger “that man dare do”—prostrate on his back, unnerved, and conquered by disease. His proud spirit in its grandeur chafing like a torrent in a compressed ravine against the destructible and perishable embankments that impeded its bounding course. For nobly formed as his outward person was, he felt that it was too circumscribed to contain a soul like his, and that with all other things earthly, it carried the fatal impress of death. In his extreme suffering he had torn off his Angola Turban, and his black clustering tresses now flowed in dishevelled wildness down his nobly formed neck and shoulders, and over the lap of the favorite wife on whom his head reposed. The other was bathing his chest, and it was thus that the group were arranged when the artist saw this graphic scene. Osceola, manfully as he breasted mortal nature, could not conceal the pain he endured. His features were distorted, or thrown into an expression of mingled despair and resolute firmness to meet his fate; the eye rolling in wild frenzy beneath the fretted brow; the chest heaving like the ocean billows; the throat laboring in the apparently last death struggle of the deep gurgling rattle, which gave to that fine mouth, that once could utter such winning eloquence, the expression of dark despair, that implored some pitying hand to put an end to his misery. There was nothing in the dying gladiator, or the writhings of Laocoon—nor of all that sculpture or painting has conceived to express the moral sublimity of human suffering, that could surpass this scene—that received a deeper coloring from the darkness of the chamber, only faintly illumed at times by the gleam that fitfully glared from the fireplace upon the noble wreck that was perishing on its hearth. Such appeared Osceola, whose life, history, and personal appearance, have been so often graphically pourtrayed in our columns by the pens of Catlin, Simmons, &c. And it was a repetition, probably, of the foregoing scene which closed its death door upon this great man, by stratagem a prisoner of war, and cut off in the zenith of his life by wounded pride that preyed on his proud spirit, and forever closed upon the brilliant career that, in all probability, was destined for him. We are not of those who affect any overweening sympathy for the fortunes of the Indian race, or extravagant admiration of their character. That they have been most inhumanly persecuted by the white races, since the first settlement of the country, is most true. That they have often taken cruel revenge on their civilized conquerors is not less so.— But of their inferiority, intellectually speaking, to the whites there can be no doubt—and their destiny, therefore, has been of necessity that of subjection to us. Their high moral qualities, and their wild but blameless life, and their courage, we leave to another occasion. A great man of them—greater doubtless because his blood was half white, though his habits were all Indian, has fallen among them. In estimating him therefore it is necessary to make some deduction for our own race. Had his counsels been strictly adhered to by the greedy, grasping government agents sent into Florida before the war broke out, all would have been well—but they had their selfish views, and were punished for it with ignominious death; and many's the stream and the overglade there, that for these mercenary men has since drunk deeply of the blood of our best chivalry. If Osceola had lived and gone on the prairies west, 30,000 men, as he told Mr. C. were there to do his bidding. He made numberless inquiries of Mr. C. of the wood, water and game of that region; and there's no doubt his mind was fixed to go, and there to have recommenced a ferocious, cruel, and bloody border war, to which that of Florida and all its attendant horrors would have proved a mere episode. The Commanches, the Osages, the Pawnees, and thousands of their mounted warriors, with spear of knight and caparisoned horse, would under this noble chief, have covered and flower-enamelled praises with their conquering hordes and carried death and ruin throughout the border of the Mississippi from Texas to Wisconsin. So far, therefore, his death has been a fortunate event for the frontier settlers there, and we doubt if the news does not dampen the ardor of his successors, Wild Cat and Alligator, now fighting for the honor of their incarcerated chief, who was the soul, the life, the very body and impulse of every movement in Florida, and whose name imparted a talismanic charm that proved an inspiration to battle though he was not there. Now that his spirit has winged its way to eternity, the face of affairs may entirely change. All who compare the fine portraits of Osceola, which, happily, for the curious Mr. Catlin had so fortunately seized at the very last passage of his glorious life, will be struck with the perfect correspondence of their traits to all that we know of his character, and also of the immeasurable distance there is, between his physiognomy and form and that of the mere Florida Indian himself, like Micanopy, Cloud, Coadjoho, who are of a darker hue and coarser features, analogous to the African.— While Osceola's bear the very stamp of high mettled nobility and of commanding genius. The pensive melancholy cast of expression, the lurking fire of a noble black eye, a towering forehead, whose finely carved and compressed outline and playful smile, indicate an unflinching firmness of resolve. But the theme is too inviting and our space too circumscribed, to say more at present. We have no doubt that crowds will flock to the Stuyvesant Institute to look at the lineaments of this truly great man; for there only can we now form an idea of what he was who has filled so large a space in the annals of our country.—N. Y. Star. —— From the Charleston Courier of Feb. 6. DEATH OF OCEOLA.—We have been favored with the following statements of the physicians in attendance on this distinguished chief, during the illness which resulted in his death, and insert them in our paper, believing that they will be read with much interest. As, no doubt, a curiosity exists in the public mind to know the causes which led to the death of Oceola, the distinguished Seminole chief, and as many reports may be circulated on the subject, I have deemed it advisable to give publicity to a statement of the circumstances attending his last illness. I am impelled, moreover, to do this from another motive—the sense of a duty which I owe to myself and those entrusted with his safe keeping—being conscious that nothing has been omitted in the discharge of that trust, which could, in any way, have contributed to the health and comfort of the deceased. On the 26th of January, ultimo, he was attacked in the night with a violent quinsy, of which I was informed very soon after, and hastened to his room. He was then laboring under considerable difficulty of degluti[ti]on and respiration, accompanied with pain and inflammation of the tonsils. To prevent suffocation, it was necessary to support him nearly in an erect position. His pulse was full, quick, and hard. Blood was instantly drawn, and an emetic and blister prescribed. At this moment an Indian entered the room, who, as I afterwards understood, was held in high esteem as a prophet and doctor. From the moment of his entrance there was a refusal to take any thing. Finding myself debarred from the administration of suitable remedies, and feeling the responsibility devolving upon me, I requested professor B. B. Strobel to visit the patient with me.— He attended and used his best exertions to prevail on the patient to submit to treatment, such as sacrification, leeching, &c.—but he pertinaciously refused; not but what he would have been disposed to acquiesce, had he not been overruled by the influence of his family. F. WEEDON, Assistant Surgeon. For[t] Moultrie, Sullivan's Island, Feb. 5. —— At the request of Dr. Weedon, I visited Oceola at Sullivan's Island. I saw him in the evening, by candle light—he was lying on his blanket before the fire, his head propped up, and two Indian women (one on each side of him) employed bathing his neck with warm water, in which some herbs had been steeped. He was breathing with much difficulty, his brow contracted, and his countenance indicating great bodily pain. His pulse was full and quick, skin hot and dry. I requested his permission, through the interpreter, to examine his throat, to which he assented. I discovered that the tonsils were so much enlarged as greatly to impede respiration, and that the mucous membrane of the pharynx was in a high state of inflammation. As there was some danger of suffocation unless the disease was arrested, I proposed to scarify the tonsile. The patient referred us to his conjurer, who was sitting on the floor covered up in his blanket, with all the air and dignity of a great man. He said no! I next proposed to apply leeches to the throat and back of the ears—the conjurer said no! I proposed lastly some medicine and a stimulating wash to be applied internally—which he also refused—saying that if the patient was not better in the morning, he would give him up to us. I urged, entreated and persuaded him, to let us do something, for although I did not doubt his ability to cure, in the woods, where he could have access to his roots and herbs— yet here he was placed under different circumstances, and as he had no means within his reach— begged him to yield up the patient to us. All was in vain, and we were finally compelled to abandon Oceola to his fate. In conclusion, I have no hesitation in declaring that I entirely coincided with the views and prescriptions of Dr. Weedon, and believe that had he been permitted to put them in practice, the patient would have recovered. B. B. STROBEY, M. D., Professor of Anatomy, Medical college, S. Ca. Charleston, 5th February, 1838. —————————————————— Copies: books.google.com books.google.com Slightly different here: news.google.com www.ohiomemory.org Edgefield advertiser., February 15, 1838
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Burlington free press., February 23, 1838
For the Free Press. We cut the following from the Vermont Patriot. DEATH OF OSEOLA.—“This celebrated Indian chief died at Fort Moultrie, on the 30th ult., of an affection of the throat. We are serious in saying that the federalists sorely lament the untimely departure of this barbarian chief—they would have him survive to extend the black catalogue of his cold-blooded masacres of helpless women and children, we suppose. Doubtless the whole whig party will go into mourning and wear crape to honor the memory of their departed friend and ally!” Although we were prepared for almost anything from the administration papers yet we confess that we felt no little surprise at meeting with such remarks as the above, in any paper that pretended to respect the feelings of common humanity, and those sacred institutions which have their foundation in the nature of man. The Press of the United States calls itself the most free and enlighted on earth; and an individual of that free and enlightened press is utterly astonished at the idea of regretting the death of a high souled chief! The Vermont Patriot, a supporter of the present administration, thinks it absolutely necessary, for fear of being understood in jest, to assure its readers that it is serious, in declaring that the federalists are sorry for the death of a crushed and captive enemy! The Whigs have been accused of monopolizing all the decency of the country; can the Van Buren party plead guilty to a charge of monopolizing all the humanity? They need not fear, they will never meet an accuser. OSEOLA's was a soul which demanded, by its infinite superiority, the reverence of such a creature as General Jesup. His greatest, his fatal error consisted in reposing confidence in the faith or in the honesty of Jesup. He was deluded into the belief that this United States officer had some regard for his word or for the honor of his country. By this trust he was betrayed and made a captive. A flag of truce was violated to capture a solitary Indian chief, fighting in the cause of Nature and of justice. And the act was sanctioned by the government of the United States.— The charge has even been made, and still remains undenied, that it was even suggested by that government. He falls a victim to the villainous instrumentality (and who shall say it was not direct?) of his captors; and the Van Buren papers of the country are surprised that the whigs should feel the least sorrow for his untimely end.— They without doubt are exceedingly rejoiced that he is removed at any rate, and by whatever means. They see no reason why he may not as well be captured by treachery as by an honorable struggle; their purpose is equally effected whether he die by POISON, an untimely death, or whether he meet his fate on the field of battle, fighting in defence of his household gods and his father's graves. This may be very well; it may be patriotic; but it is not christian; and we very much doubt the patriotism of that individual or of that party, who wish future nations to point to the page of our History and say, that the United States of America, the greatest and most glorious republic on earth, violated a flag of truce, POISONED THEIR CAPTIVE, and GLORIED IN THE DEED.
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The North-Carolina standard., February 21, 1838
FROM THE MILLEDGEVILLE FEDERAL UNION. OCEOLA, THE INDIAN WARRIOR. Oceola was about thirty-three years old, agreeable to the best accounts we have as to his age; he was about five feet ten inches high, rather slender than stout, but elegantly framed; remarkably small limbs, but capable of iron endurance. His grand father was a Scotchman —his grand mother and mother were full Indians; his father was a halfbreed, and Oceola was a quarter-blood, or one-fourth white. His complexion and eyes were much lighter than those of the Indians generally. For years past, his name and character have been familiar to all who are conversant with the history of the bloody, harassing and expensive war in Florida, not yet terminated. By his boldness and energy, he succeeded in making himself one of the Chiefs of the Seminole Indians, and “became the master spirit of this long and desperate war.” He was the savage, treacherous, murderer of General Thompson, with the rifle presented him by the General, for which act, as well as many others, of like cruel character, it would have been but just he should have suffered the tortures of a death more painful and ignominious than was reserved for his fate by an all-wise Providence. “No man owed less to incident. He was bold and decisive in action—deadly, but consistent in hatred—dark in revenge—cool, subtle and sagacious in council. Oceola will be long remembered as the man, who, with the feeblest means, produced the most terrible effects.”
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The Caledonian., February 27, 1838
INDIAN POPULATION. From a recently published communication made to the War Department it appears that the number of Indians within the territorial limits of the United States is 332,498. The number east of the Mississippi is 49,364 Number of Indians who have emigrated from east to west side 51,327 Number of Indigenous tribes 231,806 ————— Aggregate 332,498 The Indian Commissioner, Mr. Harris, estimates that these Indians can bring into the field rising sixty-six thousand warriors, that is, when emigration is completed, and they choose to coalesce. To avoid a coalition, it is stated that a force of 7,000 men will be necessary, stationed at various points of the western frontier. It would not be strange, but rather in perfect consistency with the Indian character, if, after the policy of our Government of removing the Indians beyond the Mississippi is consummated, with all their wrongs fresh in remembrance, they should, under the guidance of some master-spirit, concentrate their strength and open an almost endless, devastating and sanguinary border war. It would be contrary to past experience, to suppose the gathering wrath of these men, conscious of their many wrongs, would not, at some future period, burst out with volcanic fury. Without other objections to the “Indian policy,” this one apprehension would seem sufficient to change the purposes of its further prosecution. It must be an endless bill of expense to the United States, however peaceably inclined the Indians may be; for it will be necessary to keep up military establishments along the whole line, to anticipate any hostile movements on their part. ———————————————— Extract of a letter from the seat of war in Florida, Jan. 25, 1838. The Indians are surrounded by the troops, and General Jesup says he will not receive a white flag. The soldiers are in high spirits, but I think the Indians have the advantage. The Indian force is computed at 1200 warriors. They appear now to be completely hemmed in by the three armies, viz: Gen. Jesup, Gen. Smith and Col. Taylor. It was Col. Taylor's command that the Indians fought with on Christmas. Fighting the Indians in Florida is like catching a mouse in a hay-stack, to put the best construction upon it. But the major part of the officers do not want to bring the war to a close. There are but few high-minded and honorable gentlemen in this section of the country, for, when the war is over, they will have to go home and get an honest living. No man of spirit would take a commission here. Many of them are in debt, and do not like to go home; and some would be shot by their own men, if brought into action. I am speaking of the militia now. The regulars are fine fellows, and do all that is done. Many of the volunteer officers are very good men; but volunteers, as an effective force, are a complete nuisance; for when attacked they fall back, and leave the brunt to be borne by the regulars; besides, most of the volunteers are mounted, and cost considerably more than foot soldiers. You may expect to here something decisive in a few days, as an express has arrived here bringing information that Gen. Scott has orders to enlist an unlimited number of volunteers, and proceed to Niagara frontier. The loafing officers are all on nettles about it; they however, are not worthy to carry Gen. Scott's shoes. The regular officers with us are fine men, and of estimable character. Gen. Scott is idolized by the men, but is the terror of the officers. ———————————————— From the National Intelligencer. THE FLORIDA WAR.—A letter from an officer of the Army, now in Florida, addressed to his friend, the Editor of the Political Arena, under date of Jan. 25, gives some further particulars of the encounter with the Indians, which may be interesting to our readers, as follows: “The battle lasted only an hour or two, when we drove them in every direction. Our loss was only eight killed, and thirty-three wounded, (two since dead.) No officer wounded but Gen. Jesup, who received a slight wound below his left eye. “We made no prisoners, and found only two dead Indians on the battle ground; we have, however, captured several hundred head of cattle. “The Indians were posted in a very thick hammock, with a deep stream running through it; they were stationed along the stream, behind trees and stumps, in which they had cut notches to rest their rifles in. It was extremely difficult to penetrate the hammock, and particularly uncomfortable, as the Indian rifle balls flew thick and fast, and the stream was not fordable, but deep enough to swim both man and horse.” The same officer, in the following remarks, discloses a feeling, in regard to this war, which we believe is very prevalent among the officers as well of the Navy as of the Army: “I fervently hope this is the last war (Indian war at least) that it will ever be my fate to participate in. It is fatiguing cheerless, and every way uncomfortable.—There is seldom any thing to animate or enliven us, except such an affair as we had yesterday, which excites us a little; but the only pleasure it could give us would and did arise from the hope that it has a tendency to close the war, and allow us to return to our friends and families. It is no cause for triumph to beat and drive the poor miserable Indians, who are desperately and obstinately contending for their natural rights and possessions, against most unequal forces.” —————————— The Caledonian., February 27, 1838 news.google.com
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Edgefield advertiser., February 22, 1838
OSAGE INDIANS.—We have conversed with a gentleman, just come in by land from Fort Gibson, on the Arkansas river. He informs us that the condition of this miserable tribe is pitiable in the extreme. They have no annuities from the Government; the sums stipulated to be paid to them for their lands have all been settled, and their crops having failed this season, they are literally in a state of starvation and want. No man residing within the confines of civilization can appreciate the extreme wretchedness to which these miserable beings are frequently reduced. They have little or no game within their own territory, and no source of relief whatever. We believe a bill has been reported in Congress for extending to them some relief. This measure should, if passed at all, be adopted with all possible haste, and whatever relief it is designated to extend to them, should be given before they perish, as many must, if not soon relieved. —————————— Preserving the purity of the Negro race. —Sixteen white Ladies recently petitioned the Legislature of Massachusetts, to repeal the law which interdicted their marriage with negroes. What a commentary upon the madness of Abolitionism! The thing however would not take with the negroes themselves, as will be seen from the article below. However anxious Charlotte F. Thompson, and the other fifteen white Ladies of Rehoboth may be, to amalgamate with David Sherrod and his associates, they may give up all hope now as the black gentry are determined on preserving the purity of their race. What will Mr. Channing say to this sign in his own pure and proud Massachusetts! From the Boston Centinel. SHOWING PROPER RESENTMENT.—On Saturday, in the Senate, the memorial of David Sherrod and others, colored people, of Boston, praying the Legislature “not to repeal the law which interdicts marriage between white people and persons of color,” so petitioned for by Charlotte E. Thompson, and others, white women of Rehobeth, was committed to the Committee on Slavery, &c., in concurrence. The following is a copy of this valuable document:— “ To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives:— “The undersigned, PEOPLE OF COLOR, in the City of Boston, have learned with deep regret and mortification, that Charlotte F. Thompson and fifteen other WHITE LADIES of Rehobeth, have petitioned your Hon. Body for a repeal of the law, which interdicts marriage between white people and persons of color. Now your memorialists, regarding this as a very wise and SALUTARY LAW, calculated to PRESERVE THE PURITY OF OUR RACE, and to prevent the evils resulting from a mixed BREED, do respectfully, but earnestly, remonstrate and protest against a repeal of the law referred to—and as in duty bound will ever pray.”
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Eliza Cook's Journal, Volumes 3-4. 1850.
SONG OF THE RED INDIAN. OH! why should the white man hang on my path, Like the hound on the tiger's track? Does the flush of my dark skin waken his wrath? Does he covet the bow at my back? He has rivers and seas where the billow and breeze Bear riches for him alone; And the sons of the wood never plunge in the flood That the white man calls his own. Then why should he covet the streams where none But the red-skin dare to swim? Oh! why should he wrong the hunter one, Who never did harm to him? The Father above thought fit to give To the white man corn and wine; There are golden fields where he may live, But the forest shades are mine. The eagle has its place of rest, The wild horse where to dwell, And the Spirit who gave the bird its nest, Made me a home as well. Then back, go back from the red-skin's track, For the hunter's eyes grow dim, To find the white man wrongs the one Who never did harm to him. Oh! why does the pale-face always call The red man “heathen brute?” He does not bend where the dark knees fall, But the tawny lip is mute. We cast no blame on his creed or name, Or his temples, fine and high; But he mocks at us with a laughing word When we worship a star-lit sky. Yet, white man, what has thy good faith done, And where can its mercy be, If it teach thee to hate the hunter one, Who never did harm to thee. We need no book to tell us how Our lives shall pass away; For we see the onward torrent flow, And the mighty tree decay. “Let thy tongue be true and thy heart be brave” Is among the red-skins' lore; We can bring down the swift wing and dive in the wave And we seek to know no more. Then back, go back, and let us run With strong, unfettered limb, For why should the white man wrong the one Who never did harm to him? We know there's a hand that has fixed the hill And planted the prairie sod; That can fling the lightnings when it will, Till the stricken mountains nod. Far away and alone, where the headlong tide Dashes on with our bold canoe, We ask and trust that hand to guide And carry us safely through. The Great Spirit dwells in the beautiful sun, And while we kneel in its light, Who will not own that the hunter one Has an altar pure and bright? The painted streak on a warrior's cheek Appears a wondrous thing; The white man stares at a wampum belt, And a plume from the heron's wing. But the red man wins the panthers' skins To cover his dauntless form; While the pale-face hides his breast in a garb That he takes from the crawling worm. And your lady fair, with her gems so rare, Her ruby, gold, and pearl, Would be as strange to other eyes As the bone-decked Indian girl. Then why does the cruel white man come With the war-whoop yelling sound? Oh! why does he take our wigwam home, And the jungled hunting-ground? The wolf-cub has its lair of rest, The wild horse where to dwell, And the Spirit who gave the bird its nest Made me a place as well. Then back, go back, from the red-skin's track, For the hunter's eyes grow dim, To find that the white man wrongs the one Who never did harm to him.